|
POLISH-BELARUSSIAN INTERCULTURAL RELATIONS
Ryszard Radzik
The following considerations have been founded on the accounts of several dozen Belarussians and Poles visiting each other’s country with a certain frequency, as well as the author’s experience from numerous visits in Belarus for the period of over ten years. They are meant as an introduction into the Polish-Belarussian intercultural communication, and should be treated as a set of hypotheses rather than ultimate judgments. Intercultural communication is to be understood here as the branch of knowledge dealing in the description and analysis of the causes of different behaviour (attitudes) and perceptions of social reality by individuals remaining in an ‘alien’ cultural surrounding (in relation to the people representing this surrounding), as well as the very phenomenon described by this branch of knowledge. Research on intercultural communication has a different object of analysis than research on national (ethnic) stereotypes. I would like in my study to answer the following questions: in what situations do Poles and Belarussians behave in a different manner? How are these differences expressed and what causes them?
We can assume that a remarkable part of the differences observed should be explained by reference to two essential social facts. The first is a different shape of the social structure in both countries. The second, the dependence of each society on a different cultural domain. The differences of the economic situation of each country should also be considered here, as they have a visible influence on human behaviour. This factor, though, may be of a transitional character.
Bringing the differences in the social structure of the Polish and Belarussian societies in their historical development to the fore, I mean the fact of decidedly different influence of elitist culture on the respective formation of both communities. Simplifying, we could say that the Belarussian society develops hierarchies to a larger degree than the Polish in relation to the authority, while the Polish society more than the Belarussian in relation to culture. The underlying cause of this difference lies in the history of both societies. Poles were developing their subjectivity in the time of partitions as a modern national formation in opposition to the existing structures of power. Intelligentsia took over the leadership of the society as its nation- and culture-creating class. It was a group united within an ethos, believing that they hold in their hands the lot of the country, fighting for the nation with the colonial authorities and spreading the spirit of social activism. In contrast, the peasants in this part of Europe were strongly influenced by the feudal heritage of serfdom. It was difficult for them to get rid of features developed within several centuries of virtual half-slavery. To the post-gentry inclination of intelligentsia to divide along cultural borders and promote elitist activism, the peasants preferred class divivsions and daily passivity, the avoidance of actions which could lead to the realization of goals exceeding their particular individual (or, no more than village) interests. They assumed an object-position of submission to the authorities (rebellions had a periodical and collective charater), and of recipient pretence. The modern Belarussian society was established only at the time of the USSR. The former elites had either left Belarus or had been murdered by the Soviet authorities, or, if any had been left – degraded in their social rank. The new elites came almost solely from the countryside, transferring to the cities their peasant ways and attitudes. The world from before the revolution weas dimmed, and formed a negative reference for the socialist reality. Not only did the values promoted by the ‘Polish landlords’ become alien, but also those of the tsarist authorities, promoted by the Russian landed gentry. The continuity of urban social layers in the very scantly urbanized Belarus was eventually broken by the outbreak of the World War II and the ensuing decades of accelerated industrialization of the country. A possibility of taking over the culture of the former elites did not occur, both because of the lack of a physical contact with the elites, and the politically conditioned caution in relation to their legacy (e.g. literature). The Kremlin government associated Belarussianness with the peasant culture, and their Minsk deputies accepted it without major opposition, destroying the country’s tradition which did not fit the ethnographic and regional dimension.
In result, the Belarussians perceive the Polish society as a community of distinct cultural hierarchies – and with this, distances – and the accompanying weakness of the authorities. Poles comment on Belarussian passivity. Belarussians, in turn, are surprised in Poland by the custom of adgereing to the titles (as markers of one’s social status) remaining in the loose relation to the structures of authority. In pharmacies – as they observe – Poles address the chemists as ‘Pani magister’ (an equivalent of the Master of Sciences), an abbreviation denoting the same title – „mgr” – can be seen on the doors of even minor clerks and sometimes it seems it is as important (or not much less so) than the title of ‘manager’ or ‘executive’. What is more, they observed that a person who is well-dressed and having manners of that from intelligentsia has got a better chance of being well-treated in an office, in contrast to a low-class person with all symptoms of general backwardness. They underlined at the same time that in Belarus you could expect precisely the reverse: a man standing out from the background in his appearance or manners is often perceived as not quite one of us, belonging to the vaguely elitist world of ‘them’. It stems from the tradition of associating Belrusianness with the folk, the world of ordinary, simple people staying far apart from the elites, alien to them in class terms (especially distanced from elitism which is limited to looking down on the people). Moreover, them: the ‘masters/landowners’, and ‘authority’ were once Poles and Russians, and thus nationally alien. Another cause was that of the Soviet caution of not standing out from the crowd.
Belarussians remaining in Poland for some period of time and knowing the Polish language well point out the fact that Poles more often than it is customary in Belarus use the literary (standardized) forms of the language, and use the polite addresses more often, which sometimes has even hilarious effects for a Belarussian observer. Even during a row – as one of the Belarussian women says – a Polish woman can say: „Dear lady, you are, if you excuse my French, a whore’. In such situations in Belarus the two parties immediately change from ‘thou’ forms into the ‘you’ directness. Another Belarussian person comments that even an unaggressive drunkard passing you by at night in the street begins from „excuse me, would you please sir/madame…”, which is not to mean that more direct encounters of this type do not occur in Poland, but, when they do, the case is treated as an encroachment of a received social principle of politeness (however, one must say that the speaking habits of the young people of the last decade commonly ignore the canons of good behaviour under the influence of the American pop culture). In turn, the Poles well acquainted with the Belarussian reality and the Russian language underlined the lack of refinement of the spoken Belarussian, and its scarce forms of polite addresses used on the daily basis. The Belarussians living in Poland for a longer span of time confirmed this.
These differences did not exist 150 years ago. The elites in Poland and Belarus had many more common features than they have today. Similarly, a peasant from under Minsk did not differ to a considerable degree from that form under Warsaw. But the fates of both societies ran in a completely different way in the 20 century. The Russians imposed their culture on the Belarussians and incapacitated the development of the Belarussian national elites (and, along with this, the development of national consciousness of the Belarussian society). Poles, in turn, created their nation-state, popularizing among the people the elitist posture and values. That is why in today’s Poland not only a peasant, but also a tramp adresses another person through ‘pan’ or ‘pani’ (‘mister’, or ‘lady’), which was not so commonly spread in 19 c. not only in Belarus but also in the Congress Kingdom of Poland. Belarus retained the once peasant, and later Russian ‘thou’, and Poles observe that a passer-by calls after another ‘eh – mużczina’ (eh, man’), and formerly ‘eh, towariszcz’ (‘eh, comrade’ - as in the whole area of the Russian-speaking area of the former USSR). At the same time Poles note that polite forms such as please, pardon me, thank you are not frequently used in Belarus. Belarussians in turn comment that these are used in Poland sometimes too often.
Poles perceive Belarussians as passive and non-activist people, not so much in their private and social life, but, most of all, in the sphere of public activity: in politics and business. Belarussians’ avoidance of active opposition against authoritarian power and their weak engagement in private enterprise – the feature Poles observe in Belarussians – is a bit off-putting. Poles see Belarussians as people unwilling to rebel against social injustice and omnipotence of the state administration – clerks, policemen and customs officers on the border. Belarussians’ submissiveness to the latter is affirmed by representatives of both societies frequently crossing the border. One of the Belarussian respondents often visiting Poland notices that ‘a man in a tie is treated better by Polish policemen’, and adds ‘the farther we move to the west of Poland, the better the attitude towards Belarussians’. It gets better also if a Belarussian person has got cash. As the same Belarussian man in his thirties observes – they treat us as ‘Russians’ in the east particularly. Even an Orthodox Polish customs officer says: ‘you – Russian’. He also notices regional differences in Poland, stressing that ‘a Poznań guy will not offend me when he sees my weakness; he is more tolerant (although he won’t help me financially). It gets worse in the Białystok region’.
A Belarussian intellectual of the Białystok rooting (a Polish citizen well-acquainted with the Belarussian reality) states that ‘the Belarussian temperance is conditioned by the inferiority complex. We think that we are worth less than other nations – Poles and Russians. We are inclined to submissivenes in our utterances and judgments. It results sometimes in insincerity. We listen in order to adjust to what is others say and be their equals. However, opposite stances can also be observed: wanting to prove that we are very important we demonstrate it in cases when it does not have to be absolutely necessary. In the mixed Polish-Belarussian marriages it leads to the advanced submissiveness and compromise, or even to a demonstration of one’s difference, if not superiority, although it does not have to stem from an absolute conviction as to the truth of the latter. We deal here, in fact, with insincerity in relation to others and to oneself’. Undoubtedly, the difficult situation Belarussians had to endure inhibited their developing more subjective positions, and self-assertiveness in realtion to others. Hence the fear of authority (often alien, imposed, and even cruel), but also an avoidance – as Poles notice – of making simple choices of everyday life (of the ‘what do you prefer’ type), if encouraged by a foreigner (the frequent answer is ‘whatever’).
Belarussians notice in Poles too strong marks of individualism and even anarchism in relation to power. They are vexed by the character of debates in the Polish Parliament (they perceived their own parliament in the same way in the first half of the 90s and most of them accepted the limitation of its democratic formula). One of the respondents witnessed in amazement the wrestling of a crowd of street demonstrators with the much less numerous police forces. Aggression towards services of law and order evokes in such situations a feeling of objection, and even willingness to take the side of the authority. A Pole, in turn, will take side of the demonstrators. In Belarus in analogous situations numerous militia forces would fight with the much less numerous demonstrators.
Poles notice in Belarussians a contrast between their openness and straightforwardness in private contacts, including the familial ones, and the coldness and distance in the official, institutionalized contacts; also between spontaneity and directeness in their readiness to help and cooperation, and the ensuing dissappointment resulting from – as they think – not keeping promises. We could think that the contrast between cold formality and private openness derives from, first, the influence of the Russian culture, and, second, - to a lesser degree – from the tradition of strangeness of the local elites. Difficulties with getting anything on the official level are incomparably larger than in the West, or Poland. In Belarus (as it is also the case in Belarus), one succeeds by resorting to private conncetions (taking advantage of the post at work). The phenomenon is also known in Poland, although on a minor scale.
Poles consider Belarussians to be very hospitable (sometimes more than they are), pleasant, but only on a social ground, and the reverse can be observed not only in offices. Street crowd is perceived as less colourful than in Poland, and people more tired with the strain of everyday life. In Belarus standoffishness and anonymity is associated with authority or strangeness, it creates distance and animosity. The form is a value in itself for the French (just as, for Belarussians, it is directeness which the form limits). It is valued as a sign of the richness of their culture (even civilization). It determines principles of behaviour also in relation to strangers. Belarussians are more authentic, they act and pretend less. They are more direct – in the view of Poles also in comparison to themselves – in expressing their feelings, both positive and negative. They are less concerned about what is suitable. Poles rather like this directness (the form inherited after the gentry-intelligentsia elites seems tiresome sometimes), although, in their opinion, it is a sign of Belarussians’ folk rooting. The latter perceive Poles as more friendly inclined in formal situations and anonymous encounters in the street, in shops, and public transport. They think quite often, though, that behind this propriety there is no authentic closeness. Hence, they think that Poles can be somewhat artificial and even false, and at the same time less spontaneous. This conviction stems from a misunderstanding that behind the commonly accepted gestures of politeness showing one’s good breeding do not have to prove, automatically, an authentic friendship and readiness for sacrifice for the person to whom the gestures are addressed.
Poles are often perceived by Belarussians as less hospitable than themselves (the Polish proverbial hospitality which forces you to take loans in order to host your guests suits Belarussians more than Poles). They are also seen as more deeply immersed in the world of consumerism and material values, having less time for their friends and being more superficial in interpersonal contacts. In this respect the Belarussian perception of Poles resembles the one Poles have held of the western European countries (and more those of the north than the south), especially in the socialist period. The market economy changes socieites (and makes them resemble one another in many respects), imposes certain stances and ways of behaviour. Belarussians praise the service style of the Polish shops, but this is to a large degree the result of introducing market economy and, with it, competition and the consumer market (not the producer market which was once the case in Poland and still has not quite subsided in Belarus).
There is a lack of identity symmetry between Poles and Belarussians, both in its content and in the power of both identities. Poles are usually astonished at the generally unformed (or barely formed) Belarussian national identity. Belarussians, in turn, associate Polish strong national references with, on the one hand, patriotism, and, on the other hand, with nationalism. Frequently, only after a longer stay in Poland, they adopt – in confrontation with Polishness – the Belarussian national identity. Poles – having fought against the Russian imperialism for centuries, thus not free from anti-Russian ressentiment, notice with surprise that Belarussians prefer the alien Russian language to their native Belarussian, especially in the urban areas. They do not care about their own status of an independent state, they stick to Russia voluntarily surrendering to the Big Brother, they seek his mercy and help. Poles do not understand the Belarussian mentality which they see as more regional than national; they do not understand the fact of belonging of the Belarussian society to the Russian cultural domain (hence Belarussians’ disapproval of the NATO and, partly, of the West in general, which so annoys the Poles and often causes fervent political debates among the representatives of both nations). Poles consider Belarussians irrational in their cultural, political and economic choices (because they adhere to Russia, and with this to the lack of democracy, and, in consequence – poverty), especially that thinking within the categories of national interest is alien to them, in contrast to Poles. Such cultural divergences, which result from belonging to different cultural domains, are overlaid at present by political and economic ones.
A Minsk inhabitant living in Warsaw often stressed that the inhabitants of the capital city of Poland have less time than the inhabitants of Minsk. They are always in a hurry – simultaneously, a group of women visiting a Polish provincial town wondered how calm and quiet it was, and its inhabitants open and friendly. The same Minsk inhabitant made an observation that a Belarussian – in contrast to a Pole – does not get offended when he is pushed inadvertently in the street, and does not demand immediate apologies. He is also more liable to evade the truth – both in relation to others and in pardoning others an impolite treatment of himself. Others stated that it is more difficult in Poland to gain friends and strike acquaintances (‘perhaps because I am a Belarussian’, one of the Belarussian women wondered, when commenting on the Polish ‘secretiveness’). It is not approapriate to phone a Pole late, and a visit must be preceded b a phonecall. Women talk in staircases more often than in Belarus (which can be explained by the fact that inviting somebody in may be more obliging than in Belarus). You can always pop in at your neighbours’ in Belarus – as the same young Belarussian female living in Poland said – but not in Poland. Poles observe, in turn, that in Belarus it is customary to receive individual guests or small groups of them in the kitchen, which is not considered appropriate in Poland. Focusing on differences between the Polish and Belarussian nameday-birthday customs, Belarussians pointed out that they always serve the whole cake (so as to show to the guests it has not been eated before), and never cut it in pieces before serving. A bottle of alcohol should also be open just at the table. The glasses are filled at the beginning of the dinner and the bottle has to be emptied. At a birthday party for the first two or three hours the guests talk mainly about the host, and raise long, elaborate, beautiful toasts. Apparently, they did not come across similar customs in Poland, although the Polish feast culture did require observing at least a part of these customs. In Poland, as one of the Belarussians says, it is much more difficult to notice that the party is given, for example, to celebrate one’s nameday and who the main celebrity is. Additionally, as the Białystok Belarussian and a Minsk inhabitant both stated, the Polish wives, in contrast to the Belarussian ones, are less willing to take part in parties without their husbands.
According to Poles, Belarussians are not only careless about planning their time; they also have a different sense of the binding power of words. Similarly as in the Russian language, the word for them expresses the mood of the moment, an emotion and its straighforwardness (or the lack of such). It is uttered in order to please the other person, or in order to create a distance between oneself and the interlocutor. It is, though, ethereal and does not oblige to keep a promise as much as it does in Poland. In the Latin Europe the pledge of honour stems from the knightly ethos, and the pledge of an entrepreneur from the bourgeois ethos (and from the Protestant solidity). In Russia these social layers did not in fact exist. Hence, as one of the respondents often negotiating with Belarussians says: ‘In our talks certain decisions are easily reached (at first). There is agreement and willingness for cooperation. During a second meeting we complain about not sticking to the agreement line by the Belarussians, and the Belarussian side is surprised, indignant and objecting. At the third meeting, when our common agreement is still not carried out, the Polish protests meet open animosity of the Belarussians’.
Amateurs of the Belarussian literature stress its manifestation of the strong man and nature symbiosis (which is seen, for example, in the motive of the philosophizing Candide-type peasant). The peasant philosophical considerations on nature have not been silenced by the intelligentsia and urban elites, but founded the culture of the new elites. The Belarussian literature is rooted in the countryside reality to a much larger degree than in the urban reality.
The Polish culture is – in comparison to the Belarussian – more inclined towards activism and internal expansion (the Poles are, in comparison with Belarussians, but certainly not with the Germans and the French, more matter-of-fact, rational, capable of cool analysis; Belarussians are much less trained in thinking according to the categories of reason). The Belarussian culture, in turn, is focused on the survival of the society as a set of individuals and groups, and not the large national formation. Usually, when a clash of the two cultures occurs, we rarely deal with a clearly delineated conflict. The differences dividing both societies have been here occasionally exaggerated, in order to better understand their nature and background. Most often we do not deal with oppositional features each society exposes, but with a different degree of their intensity.
Trans. Dorota Kołodziejczyk
RYSZARD RADZIK – a sociologist, a Profesor at the Maria Skłodowska-Curie University in Lublin. The text we publish is an excerpt of a larger article. Author book „Kim są Białorusini”.
ÐÛØÀÐÄ ÐÀÄÇ²Ê – ñàöûÿë¸ã êóëüòóðû, ïðàôýñàð Óí³âýðñûòýòó ³ìÿ Ìàðû³ Ñêëàäî¢ñêàé-Êþðû ¢ Ëþáë³íå. À¢òàð ì.³í. êí³æàê „Kim są Białorusini”, Toruń 2002, „Áåëàðóñû. Ïîãëÿä ç Ïîëüø÷û”.
Ïóáë³êóåööà íà ñàéöå ç ëàñêàâàé
çãîäû Àá'ÿäíàíüíÿ Villa
Sokrates
|
Ïîëüñê³ à¢êöû¸í
